Recherche – Detailansicht
Ausgabe: | 1964 |
Spalte: | 550-552 |
Kategorie: | Christliche Kunst und Literatur |
Autor/Hrsg.: | Lebedeva, Julija A. |
Titel/Untertitel: | Andrei Rubljow und seine Zeitgenossen 1964 |
Rezensent: | Onasch, Konrad |
Ansicht Scan: | |
Download Scan: |
549
Theologische Literaturzeitung 89. Jahrgang 1964 Nr. 7
550
de congiuo, therefore, when God rewards de pura gracia
those works which issue from his prevenient grace; de con-
digno one would earn merit when God rewards de pura
iusticia those works which are completely man's own, in which
God does not graciose co-operatc. This unusual definition of
the merita de condigno forces Wyclif to reject them alto-
gether since God always co-operates graciose: all merits are
rewards de pura gracia and therefore always de congruo.
In the pre-Wyclif tradition, the meritum de condigno
is also based on iustitia; but this debitum iustitiae is never
understood as pure justice. Hus, who copies in his discussion
of II Sent d 27 Wyclif's definition of merit, tries — as Wyclif
himself may well have wanted to do — to reconcile the two
positions by pointing out that pura iustitia presupposes indeed
an equality between work and reward, but that this equality
can be taken either as an equalitas quantitatis or as an
equalitas proportionis: "Qui [e. g. Wyclif] ergo dicunt, quod
non potest homo mereri vitam aeternam de condigno, attendunt
equalitatem quantitatis; qui [e. g. Aquinas] autem dicunt, quod
homo potest mereri de condigno attendunt equalitatem pro-
porcionis" (ed. V. Flajshans, Prague, 1905, p. 307).
It is impossible to claim (or to deny) that Wyclif's position
is "orthodox." In the period before the Council of Trent many
dogmatic issues relating to sin, grace and justification were
not yet officially settled. To operate here with the concept of
"orthodoxy" would be an anachronism; we should beware of
applying doctrinal Standards which were only established Iater.
This is not only formally unacceptable but also materially
dangerous: the black/white categories of orthodox and unorthodox
tend to obscure the many and offen subtle varieties
of thought under consideration, as appears in the case of the
merita de condigno.
IV. Occaraism : The author uses as a test question
to identify Occamism — and distinguish it from orthodoxy! —
whether the State of grace i6 defined "as a mere right relation-
ship to God" (p. 110, n, 2; p. 209 ). Paul Vignaux' "Justification
et Prädestination au XIV1' Siecle" (Paris, 1934) is praised
as "the most perceptive of recent studies" (p. 32), but Vignaux'
careful reconstruction of Occam's doctrine of justification has
not lcft any noticeable mark on the dated Occam-image of
this study. As Vignaux formulated it in a subsequent study,
" . . . le Nominalisme demeure dans Ia perspective de l'habitus"
(Luther Commentatcur des Sentences, Paris, 1935, p. 79). One
can put this even more explicitly by saying that the 6tate of
grace implies for Occam and his disciplcs both the inhabitation
of the Holy Spirit and the gift of the h a b i t u s of grace —
hardly a mere relationship.
It is regrettable that the author has not documented his
interpretation of Occamism with more quotations from the
sources. Only in his discussion of the young Occamist
Buckingham does he provide us with source quotations which
allow us to determine his basis of argumentation. Buckingham
is said to argue in q. 6 of his Sentences that "since our first
parents and the angels were born without sin and grace, and
yet were guiltless, there rrrust be a medius Status between sin
and grace in which both are reconciled. And if grace and sin
can co-exist, then the lo6S of grace is equally immaterial, in-
volving, if one continues to act meritoriously, neither sin nor
guilt." (p. 43). Mr. Robson goes on! to point out that these
propositions presuppose the belief that man can "be naturally
justified", which "was to render superfluous the infused grace
by virtue of which, as orthodox theologians understood, we
receive justification" (ib.).
Turning now to the documentation for this point, it
proves that Buckingham in the usual Occamistic fashion is
trying to show that the fact that Adam and Eve, before they
received the stabilizing gift of original righteousness, were
in puris naturalibus, indicates that such a medius Status is
conccivable ("inter peccatum et gratiam est medius Status possi-
bilis . . ."; ib. n. 3). Here grace and sin do n o t co-exist but
are both excluded. De potentia absoluta — i. e. 'it is incon-
ceivable that' — God could crcate man neither in sin nor in.
grace („. . . in puri6 naturalibus sine peccato et sine gratia
gratum faciente"; p. 44, n. 2); de potentia ordinata — accord-
ing to God's dispensation — man's natural justice is insufficient
without grace. Grace is therefore not "a neutral term reconcil-
able with unpurged sinfulness" (p. 45) or the medius Status
itself (p. 65): rather the fourteenth-century Occamists claimed
that fallen man could merit, albeit only with a meritum de
congruo, the reception of the habit of grace, pre-requisite for
merita de condigno and final acceptation. The discussion of
man's potentiality in puris naturalibus serves as the ground-
work for the doctrine of the iacere quod in se est. But the
point of this latter doctrine is exactly that "deus non denegat
gratiam facientibus quod in se est".
The fact that also the mature Buckingham can hold with
the whole school of Occam that man especially (maxime! )
when in puris naturalibus can perform good works, thus
arguing the possibility that even after the fall man can,
without grace, love God above everything eise ( deum super
omnia diligere, p. 67, n. 2) seems to cast doubt upon Mr.
Robson's thesis that Buckingham underwent a radical "change
of heart" (p. 65) and was converted from his earlier Occamism.
What is at stake anthropologically in this doctrine is not fully
appreciated in Mr. Robson's comment: "Even this modest
assessment of man's ability to love God by his natural powers
was regarded as 'Pelagian' by Bradwardine" (ib.). If Mr. Robson
means, however, that Bradwardine's interpretative vocabulary
could have been more refined, we are fully agreed. But after
all Bradwardine is often careful enough, when speaking about
his opponents, to call them Pelagiani moderni, i. e. neo-
Pelagians!
Cambridge/Mass. Heiko A. Ober man
Bredow. Gerda Freiin von: Zum Problem der Analogie bei Thomas
von Aquino (FS 45, 1963 S. 261—293).
C a m b e 1 1, Jacques: Glanes franciscaines: la compilation d'Angers
(Angers, bibliotheque Municipale, ms. 821) (FS 45, 1963 S. 41—82).
Garbäty, Thomas Jay: Studies in the Franciscan "The Land of
Cokaygne" in the Kildare MS (FS 45. 1963 S. 1 39—1 53).
Heyne k, Valens: Die Kontroverse zwischen Gottfried von Fontaines
und Bernhard von Auvergnc OP um die Lehre des hl. Thomas von
der confessio informis (Forts.) (FS 45, 1963 S. 201—242).
S h a p i r o, Herman und Charlotte: ,,De qualitatibus " des Walter
Burley (FS 45, 1963 S. 256—260).
GESCHICHTE DER CHRISTLICHEN KUNST
Lebedewa, Julia A.: Andrei Rubljow und seine Zeitgenossen.
Übers, v. Gerhard Ha 11 mann. Dresden: Verlag der Kunst [1962].
234 S. m. 87 z.T. färb. Taf. 4° = Neue Bibliothek der Kunst-
und Kulturgeschichte. Lw. DM 43.—.
Anläßlich der 600-Jahrfeier des Geburtstages von Andrej
Rublev1 ist auch die Untersuchung von Frau Lebedewa, vorzüglich
vom Verlag ausgestattet, erschienen. Es handelt sich dabei
um eine gründliche Analyse aller entweder Rublev selbst, oder
seinem Schülerkreis zugeschriebenen Denkmäler (Ikonen, Miniaturen
und Fresken). Die Arbeit klingt aus mit einem Hinweis
darauf, daß Dionisij wesentliche Elemente ästhetischer und technischer
Art von Rublev übernahm, ja, daß er möglicherweise in
seiner Jugend als Schüler des großen Meisters gearbeitet hat.
Bei ihren Einzelanalysen zieht L. ständig die zeitgenössischen
Quellen (Viten, Chroniken) heran und versteht es damit, uns
ein lebensnahes Bild des Malers vor Augen zu führen. Wir erfahren
dabei auch zahlreiche Einzelheiten über die Verbindungen
der Moskauer Rus' mit dem Balkan, mit Byzanz und Kleinasien.
Frau Lebedewa unterrichtet uns, wie gesagt, immer an Hand
der Quellen, über die altrussischen Malerzünfte, ihre Zusammensetzung
und Arbeitsorganisation. Vor diesem Hintergrund ersteht
die Gestalt und Künstlerpersönlichkeit Rublcvs nicht in
einer nationalen oder individualistischen Isolierung, sondern in
den mannigfachen, z. T. komplizierten übergreifenden Zusammen-
') Eine Liste der in der Sovjetunion erschienenen Arbeiten bei
Lebedewa, S. 230, Anm. 193.